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Is ‘Mohammad Morsi’ the ‘New Hosni Mubarak’?


Is Mohammad Morsi the ‘New Hosni Mubarak‘?
A Comparison of the Editorial Coverage given to Morsi by the New York Times and the Khaleej Times, from June 25, 2012 till November 29, 2012.

By Fakiha Hassan Rizvi 

Mohammed-Morsi-1

Introduction:

Protests that sparked around the Arab World, collectively called the ‘Arab Spring‘ toppled down decades long regimes. Starting from Tunisia and spreading across Syria, where the inflammation has aggravated, the Arab Spring will remain a significant sign post in the political history of the world. For the Egyptians, the billows of the Arab Spring brought a democratic dispensation being headed by Mohammad Esa al Ayat Morsi. On July 1, 2012, Morsi had formally sworn in as the first democratically elected president of Egypt by beating his competitor, Ahmed Shafq (prime minister of Egypt during Mubrak’s rule) with a narrow margin of 3.5%. There are differences over as to how fair the elections were and the question of a citizen-centred change. However, the change is obvious, a member of the Muslim Brotherhood, ruling Egypt. Morsi has taken charge of his country during a crucial period and he is under a global-glare. Belonging to a party, widely known for its staunch Islamist nature, antipathy towards Israel, hostility towards the U.S and resentful over the role of military at home, Morsi’s presidential actions are being examined carefully. Under the Mubarak regime, Egypt had been a key ally of the US in the Middle East by cooperating with Israel, its relations with Iran were strained on account of sectarian divide. Philips. L . David (2009) predicted that a path for Muslim Brotherhood to enter politics is likely to make Egypt an undisputed democratic leader in the Arab region. However, there are conditions and tests for this to materialize. Starting from the steps that a non-violent Islamist party can take to stop the more fanatic violent one’s from entering into politics, extent of civil participation in the politics, transparency, press freedom, socio-economic development to the diplomatic orientation adopted by it. [1]

However, Bowker (2010) has argued that there can be broadly three likely drivers of political change: a new class of entrepreneurs, an impact of demography and generational changes on both the secular and Islamic political life and the effects of engagement with other countries like the United States and Israel. [2]

Vincent. H. Billie (2012) described the adverse changes that could lead to grave consequences for the region and above all, the Egyptians. “A worst-case scenario would be if Morsi turns out to be a weak and pliant president. His flexibility can allow the terrorists to compete for power. If this happens then the military will stage another coup, creating long-term turmoil in Egypt.” [3]

Morsi’s bout with the military and the need to restore economy is a complex duo. After taking charge as the president he has been in the international mainstream media. Commentators and media analysts from around the world are assessing the developments in Egypt under his control, ranging from Egypt’s Sinai problem, the débâcle between Egyptian military and parliament, to broad issues like the protests against the anti Islam film or the regional destabilization due to turmoil in Gaza. James Petras in his article, ‘The Summer of Muslim Discontent: it’s not “the Amateur Film” Stupid, builds the opions that the “Egyptian Muslim and secular populace are profoundly disenchanted with the Brotherhoods betrayal of their promises of welfare, jobs, prosperity and nationalist foreign policy .The “film” served as a “legitimate pretext” to unify their forces: the protest against “the film” was in reality about the larger socio-economic and political cleavages emerging and the tremendous boost in US influence in Morsi’s Egypt.” [4]

Amid these wide range of discussions, Morsi is being stigmatized for exercising dictatorial powers that make his decisions irrefutable and legitimate till a new government is elected. Such measures are not constructing a positive image of Egypt’s first democratically elected president, who is time and again being described with phrases like: the ‘new Mubarak’, ‘Morsi the new dictator’, Morsi’s democratic dictatorship’ and ‘Morsi’s Coup’. On the other hand, dissenters have already started to gather once again in the historical Tahrir Square, raising slogans that warn Morsi (remember Morsi after the throne, there is jail).

In light of the background information this research has the following objectives:

R1 What is the extent of editorial coverage given to Mohammad Morsi in The New York Times and Khaleej Times after he won the presidential seat?

R2 What suggestions are given by the editorials for handling governance issues, whether explicitly or implicitly, by The New York Times and Khaleej Times?

R3 What words/adjectives have been ascribed with Morsi during the editorial coverage in The New York Times and Khaleej Times?

Method:For the first research question, the researcher will present a quantitative analysis of the editorial coverage of Morsi by both the newspapers. For the second and third research questions, a discourse analysis of the editorials will be presented, according to the relevant hypotheses. All the editorials from June 25, 2012 till November 29, 2012, containing the terms ‘Morsi’ and ‘Egypt’ will be considered as the sample for the research. The time frame starts from the day Morsi took charge as the President till late November this year. A discussion following the editorial will compare and contrast editorial coverage, the description of Morsi and the advices that the editorials are lending to him as the president.

Newspapers:

The New York Times: An American daily newspaper. The paper’s motto, printed in the upper left-hand corner of the front page, is “All the News That’s Fit to Print.” The New York Times website (NYTimes.com) has the motto “All the News That’s Fit to Click.” Copies of this newspaper have circulated in the New York City since 1857. It has won the most Pulitzer Prizes among all the news organizations in America. It is also considered as the most popular American print media outlet. The paper in owned by The New York Times Company. [http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_New_York_Times]

Khaleej Times: A Dubai based newspaper catering to the needs of the readers in the Gulf. First published in 1978, the newspaper became the first English language newspaper of Dubai. The government of the United Arab Emirates owns it partially. Khaleej Times Online is the global face of the newspaper on the internet. The online version offers more stories and exclusives not found in its print paper. Currently, it’s print edition is the second most popular English language newspaper in Dubai. [http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khaleej_Times]

Hypotheses:

The following hypotheses have been formulated by the researcher:

H1 Khaleej Times gave greater editorial coverage to Morsi as compared to The New York Times.

H2 The New York Times explicitly mentions that stability in Egypt can’t be achieved without the cooperation of US, whereas, Khaleej Times suggests Morsi to handle the situation keeping view the aspirations of his subjects.

H3 The New York Times will be more blatant while ascribing certain words with Morsi and Khaleej Times will present a more factual account regarding Morsi rather than attaching words like ‘conservative’ with him.

Hypotheses Testing:

Editorials of The New York Times and Khaleej Times were retrieved from the websites of both the newspapers. After analysis, the following quantitative data was observed:
Morsi-editorial coverage

H 1 Deduction: Editorial coverage of Morsi by Khaleej Times is greater than that of The New York Times

The New York Times gives the following suggestions to Morsi:

The New York Times has talked of Egyptian transition as yet another chance for the people of Egypt to steer through a democratic pathway and for this more willingness is required to reduce political polarization. It has explicitly stated that Egyptians can decide their own future, but they will need help from the United States. The editorials suggest Morsi to curb military power but not to dissolve the entire legislative cabinet (only the legally questionable number should be re-contested). [Another Chance for Egypt, June 25, 2012-The New York Times]

Regarding the Sinai problem, The New York Times mentions it as a new series of tensions between Morsi and the army. To make Sinai a priroity is in the national interest of Egypt and Morsi should deal with it as a test of his ability to control lawlessness in Egypt. It stated the possibility of Egypt revising its treaty with Israel in order to increase the military assets. In another editorial, it has implicitly suggested Morsi to improve security relations with Israel as there are a number of other problems like shattered economy to deal with at home. [Egypt’s Sinai Problem, August 7, 2012. Morsi’s First Crisis, August 10, 2012]

Morsi is exploiting the attack on Sinai Peninsula by firing Generals to seize on going protests going on in Egyptian streets. Egypt shouldn’t hope for change is Morsi continues with stern actions. [Morsis’s Rebalancing act, August 16, 2012-The New York Times]

The newspaper builds the opinion that Egypt cannot restore its economy without the support of International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the United States. Therefore, Morsi should consider the aid and loans being granted by the Obama administration. [Egypt’s Economic Struggle, September 24, 2012]

Morsi is blamed by the newspaper for a delayed response on the gruesome attack on the US ambassador for Libya and attacks by protesters of Anti-Islam film on the US embassies in Cairo. He should condemn violence with a firm fist in order to improve the economic condition of the country. It clearly mentions that the expected $4.8 billion loan to Egypt by IMF would receive the Western support if ‘Egypt is reasonably safe’ for the West. [Belated Response from Egypt, September 13, 2012]

Morsi can be given ‘some’ credit for the Gaza deal, but that doesn’t mean that the United States will support measures which are perceived to be of authoritarian nature by the Egyptians. “While the State Department advocated a constitutional process that does not overly concentrate power in one set of hands.” [The Crisis in Egypt, November 26, 2012]

Khaleej Times gives the following suggestions to Morsi:

Khaleej Times describes the change in Egypt as a positive sign, but the free and fair future of democracy is uncertain. Cooperation between the military and the Islamists will decide the sustainability of ‘democratisation’ in Egypt. A compromise between the Muslim Brotherhood and the military can lead to a sustainable democracy. [What after the Elections?, June 26, 2012- Khaleej Times]

The newspaper endorses Morsi’s move of ‘negotiating powers back from the military’. It’s a painful exercise to make sure the required transition as civil engagement in the political process is also required. On the other hand, retaining military stalwarts in the cabinet can be disappointing for the protesters. [Transition in Egypt, Power Struggle in Cairo, Cairo’s Cocktail Cabinet, July 22, July 26, August 4, 2012- Khaleej Times]

Morsi should deal with the Sinai predicament like a ‘true leader’ by ensuring that Cairo has zero tolerance for militants. Egypt should not go against its agreements with Israel, especially when Morsi has to keep a check on radicalism and reply back to his political allies for the compromises he has made with military generals.Morsi has made the right move by firing generals as he has denied the chance of a puppet administration. The people of Egypt can’t tolerate a coup and Morsi has shown civilian authority by retiring generals using the brazen attack in Sinai as an opportunity. [Cairo’s Sinai predicament, Bold-Shake up in Egypt, August 10, August 14, 2012-Khaleej Times]

This is the time for the intelligentsia, media, academia and elected representatives to strive against poverty, terrorism and parochialism.” The newspaper doesn’t completely thwart Morsi’s decision of disallowing freedom of speech. Editorial reflects that press should be responsible enough in a democratic set up and at such a crucial time the government can’t look at superficial issues. People in Egypt won’t move towards the Presidential Palace if they are allowed personal freedom. AN example of this had been given by quoting Egypt’s Maria TV starting in July, where women wearing Niqab present shows. Under Mubarak rule there was a ban on head scarfs for female news presenters. The editorial asks Morsi to allow personal freedoms without taking into account Western reaction (that viewed the Hijab as a wave conservatism in Egypt). [Morsi versus the Press, Egypt’s ‘cover story’ August 26, 2012, September 4,2012 Khaleej Times]
The judiciary is not supporting the transitional process. Morsi should adopt a reconciliatory approach and nullify the baseless accusation against Muslim Brotherhood. The newspaper builds the opinion that President Morsi’s move is temporary just to increase the pace of legislative process. “The arguments against the Mursi decree may have their own merits, but it seems the president has taken the measure in good faith and in an attempt to let the elected representatives exercise their right of governing their constituents”. [Power Tangle in Egypt, November 27, 2012]

However, the latest editorial published warns Morsi that the protests will be more grand this time. He should consider the demand of the protesters or take them into confidence is they seem unstoppable. At this point in time, Egypt is in the hands of those who have a good will for governing the country. Agitators must be convinced somehow, even if it requires a compromise over the decree. Otherwise, an army is likely to stage a coup. [Trouble in Cairo, November 29, 2012]

H 2 As predicted The New York Times exhibits a total imbalance while suggesting Morsi, Khaleej Times has taken a balanced and rational approach.

Comparing words ascribed to President Morsi

The term ‘new dictator’ has only been used in one of the editorial of New York Times. Morsis has been labelled as a ‘conservative ‘Islamist’, for Khaleej Times he is a good will leader who can steer Egypt out of the domestic turmoil if he takes the proper steps. The New York Times has emphasized the dependence of Egypt on the financial assistance provided by the IMF and the United States. Morsi has even been blamed of being ‘shrewd’ when he removed the military generals in response to the Sinai attack. On the other hand, Khaleej Times expressed the notion that he can be a ‘true leader’ provided that he handles the things in accordance to the will of the people.

H 3 The New York Times is not taking a fair approach while ascribing words to Morsi.

Conclusion: An imbalanced editorial coverage by The New York Times, suggestions are made in a very authoritative and blatant way. Khaleej Times has a much fair line. Though at times it seems increasingly considerate for Morsi, but it strongly backs up whatever opinion it tends to formulate.

Sources:

[1] Lawrence (2009) From Bullets to Ballot: Violent Muslim Movements in Transition, Transaction Publishers

[2] Bowker Robert (2010), Egypt and the Politics of Change in the Arab Middle East, Edward Elgan Publishing.

[3] Vincent H. (2012), Bombers, Hijackers, Body Scanners, and Jihadists, Xlibris Corporation

[4] http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article32538.htm#.ULeFafkDL8k.email

Editorials retrieved from the online versions of The New York Times and Khaleej Times.

 
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Posted by on November 30, 2012 in Research Hub

 

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Will the fumes of ‘Islamic awakening’ reach Pakistan?


Finally, Egyptians saw that day which they had been eagerly waiting for. Cairo‘s Tahrir square was once again jam-packed, but this time with jubilant supporters of Muslim Brotherhood. To claim that their president is a democratically elected one instead of a dictatorial, self-imposed stalwart is not a trivial pleasure for lips that were muted for almost the past 30 years. The democratically elected president took 51.73% of the votes cast, some 13.23 million votes in total. Former Prime Minister Ahmed Shafiq pulled 12.35 million votes. Mohammed Mursi Eissa al-Ayat couldn’t have given a better Presidential speech. His first message to his country encompassed around the formation of a democratic constitution and restoration of the parliament that had been once mutilated by the Egyptian military. The U.S educated engineering professor rose through the ranks of Muslim Brotherhood and has ultimately constructed an unforgettable history for Egypt to remember.

From Cairo to Washington, Mursi was being congratulated with zeal. Washington was happy at the aversion of turmoil in Egypt, but concerned about a government of staunch Islamic nature. The claim of the democratically elected government to ameliorate its relations with Tehran is a matter of concern for the allies of Cairo. The Asian countries have hailed the triumph of Mursi with ecstasy and at a high note. Russia, China and Iran have expressed their desire to strengthen diplomatic ties with Egypt. The situation in Pakistan was no different, but the landmark elections of Egypt were downplayed by the Pakistani media. However, among the most jubilant ones’ Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) stood ahead in Pakistan. The JI leaders in their speeches said that the victory was a source of inspiration for the Islamic movements across the world. They expressed their optimism for a similar victory of the religious forces in Pakistan. It is interesting to analyse that how compatible is the Pakistani political cauldron with the Islamic political approach.

Muslim Brotherhood (MB) has remained a vital actor at the political stage of Egypt since 1928. With the passage of time it morphed into an irrefutable mouthpiece for those in favour of reviving Islamic values. However, this wasn’t the only purpose which allowed it to penetrate its roots in the masses. It provided services to the people, such as education for boys and girls, inexpensive medical care, financial assistance and vocational training centres. The contribution of Muslim Brotherhood towards developmental projects made it the center of attraction for a large number of Egyptians. This helped it to communicate its vision for Egypt along with the portrayal of Brotherhood’s ability to deliver on social and economic promises to the Egyptian population. The decade of 1930 to 1940, which brought along with it ‘socio-economic crisis’ for Egypt gave Muslim Brotherhood an opportunity to add weight to its popularity. In addition to this, Hasnul Banna (the founder of MB) practised what he preached which made his personality magnetic and charismatic for his supporters. His efforts commenced as propellants for moral reform and spiritual uplift which were later converted into aspirants of political change based on Islamic concepts of polity. The great extent to which MB resided in the hearts of the civil society saved it from political extinction several times. This is the reason behind its win in the elections of 2012 even by a narrow margin of 800,000 votes. MB’s victory is being hailed by some as the starting point for ‘Islamic awakening’.

On the other hand, Islamic forces in Pakistan are continuing their abjured ambition of aligning politics with religion. Maulana Maududi the founder of Jamaat-e-Islami called for the establishment of Allah’s Kingdom considered Muslim League to be an anti-Islamic party. His aim remained to transform Pakistan into dar al-Islam (the land of Islam) although he was initially one of the opponents of the creation of Pakistan. Jamaat was disintegrated after the creation of Pakistan with some of its parts in India and others in Bangladesh after 1971. Since then the self-appointed custodian of Islam has badly lost all the elections it had jumped in. It has been locked into a rivalry with another major Islamic party of Pakistan (Jamaat Ulema-e-Islam). This exhibits their poor political seasoning along with their inability to win the support of the masses. The alliance of religious parties (Muttahid-e-Majlis-e-Amal) managed to get majority in Khyber Pakhtoonkhwaan in 2002. However, the alliance didn’t oust General Pervaiz Musharraf, it also had to join the bandwagon of ‘lawyers’ movement’ in order to achieve this motive. JI’s social welfare projects are large in number, but less efficient. It’s not pliant towards minorities to an extent that it can appoint a Christain Naib Ameer for its party (like MB’s Vice president, Rafiq Habib who is a Christian by faith). Popularity at grass root levels is ensured by coercion. It is a pity that how Jamaat-e-Islami has been involved in politicizing one of the oldest universities at Pakistan, University of the Punjab.

Even if Islamic democracies progress around the world, Islamic political forces will have to take radical measures to sync up with them in Pakistan. Preaching Islam is not sufficient, it requires a well-orchestrated example in a heterogeneous society like Pakistan to spread religious awareness. A major part of the population is youth which won’t be inspired by a political party that politicizes educational institutes. People are already distraught with faltering economy and uncomfortable living conditions. Engendering Islamic principles in a country that is already facing innumerable challenges isn’t an easy task. Fumes of ‘Islamic awakening’ will reach Pakistan only if someone will be available to imbibe them and that isn’t possible until and unless internal Islamic forces win the heart of the masses.

The verbal content of this post was originally published in the August issue of Jahangir’s World Times
http://www.jworldtimes.com/Article/82012_Will_The_Fumes_of_Islamic_Awakening_Reach_Pakistan

 
 

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Who hijacked the spring at Egypt?


While witnessing the transitions which plagued the Arab world with the coveted disease of ‘revolutionary changes’, Egypt managed to topple down the 30 year old regime of the mighty Muhammad Hosni El Sayed Mubarak. The longest-serving ruler had to descend down from his throne as the chorus which demanded for a ‘change’ in the political set up of the country continued to burgeon up at Tahrir square. There are so many people who claim that the protests and demonstrations that erupted in Cairo were not led by anyone. Social media is often labelled as the leader of this revolution which ultimately ousted the stalwart dictator after 18 days of turmoil at the beginning of 2011. Not only this, but headlines which an Egyptian couldn’t have gone through during his/her wildest dreams grabbed ample space on the front pages of most of the newspapers -dictator behind the bars. Murder and corruption trial of the former Egyptian President was something next to impossible. .

These rapid fluctuations paved the way for elections in Egypt. 2012 serves a completely different political atmosphere for the once oppressed Egyptians. By far this chunk of Middle East is the biggest prize for democracy in the Arab world and will continue to be, but to what extent in the favour of those who gave the payment? The military, having allowed the people to choose their representatives by the end of 2011 has taken the credit of Egypt’s historic elections by stepping out of the way itself after keeping a lot of privileges though. The recent polls in Egypt apart from being ‘historic’ provided a pleasant respite to the protesters as they were now the voters and didn’t have to participate in never-ending rallies, give interviews and adverts. The country had voted before, but those were just deceptive designs to give Mubarak’s regime a veil of democratic legitimacy, even though it was an open secret that the numbers reflected the support the president thought he needed rather than the support he had; hence the frequent 90%-plus winning percentages Mubarak’s officials would announce to a population that knew what to expect.

Elections saga is at an entirely different dimension followed by frenzy and fervent voters who now have a considerable choice of 13 candidates. There are three names out of the 13 candidates that are consistently ahead of the pack: the Muslim Brotherhood‘s Mohammed Mursi, the secular Amr Moussa and the enigmatic Abdul Moneim Aboul Fotouh. Consequently, there is a stiff competition between the Hosni Mubarak-era figures and the Islamists (neither of them were the heroes of the young, liberal and technocratic Egyptians who are the original revolutionaries of Egypt). The worst form of injustice that could be done to the tweets from the Tahrir square would be to put the voters in a situation where they have no other choice then to vote for the Islamist fundamentalists or the remains of Mubarak. Admit it or not the Arab spring which ignited the Arab world like fire is getting extinguished at Egypt and that too in a very neat manner. The revolutionaries fought for their right to self-determination, but before they could have managed to reach the ladder of appointing their own government, the spring had been hijacked!

Originally published in Jahangir World Times Magazine- June 2012
http://www.jworldtimes.com/Article/62012_WHO_HIJACKED_THE_SPRING_AT_EGYPT

 
 

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